We are not doomed by it. We have to talk about segregation. And they needed to submerge their own memories to persevere. … Her reclusiveness proved no barrier to the county’s continued efforts to market her literary classic — or to market itself by using the book’s celebrity ...“Sentimentality about Lee’s story grew even as the harder truths of the book took no root. The chief of the county commission, Probate Judge Greg Norris, a Democrat, said he had not yet visited the National Memorial for Peace and Justice and couldn’t render any judgment on a local memorial for Monroe County. They will beat me again if I tell,” according to EJI documents. Families fled and buried the stories of brutality. McMillian was arrested and shunted off to prison — placed on death row in Alabama’s notorious Holman Correctional Facility even before his trial started — on dubious testimony and no hard evidence.Monroeville’s poorly-trained law enforcement officers had destroyed the crime scene with their shoddy methods, and they ignored several witnesses who said that McMillian was elsewhere during the murder. That's about all I have to say about that.”Beginning in 2019, Sheriff Tom Boatwright has served Monroe County, according to local Chapman took office in 1990, two years after McMillian was already found guilty, according to the Associated Press. “They say tourism brings in hundreds of thousands of dollars every year.”The courthouse building that was in use during Lee’s childhood has been repurposed as a museum, gift shop, and meeting space; its upstairs courtroom serves as the theater for the final scene of a play based on the novel, which local folk usually put on every spring. What happened to Walter McMillian in a small Alabama town in 1987 has long been pointed to as a classic example of a miscarriage of justice.Despite the lack of any physical evidence linking McMillian to the murder of a white clerk named Ronda Morrison, he was arrested for the crime more than six months after it took place. I was so scared, but we had to stand there and look. I ought to take you off and hang you like we done that nigger in Mobile.’ ”As Stevenson notes, Tate was referring to the murder of 19-year-old Michael Donald, who was lynched in Mobile in 1981, as racial resentment ran high among some whites following the acquittal of a black man for the shooting of a white police officer. When he was released from prison, some of the white townsfolk were not ready to admit that he had been wronged. Donald’s murder marked the last known lynching of a black person in America.By the time McMillian was released from prison, he had served nearly six years for a crime he did not commit. What, if any, prior efforts in this county and/or community have taken place over the last 10 years related to reckoning with the history of racial terrorism ...? But Stevenson has emphasized the limits of that work: Countless victims will never be known, as those cruel acts of terror have been lost to history. A white police officer, Woodrow Ikner, was kicked off the police force after he refused to give perjured testimony implicating McMillian.McMillian told Stevenson that the local sheriff, Tom Tate, used racial epithets and threatened him with lynching when he made the arrest. Do you know he’s reputed to be one of the biggest drug dealers in all of South Alabama? Tate, by contrast, still serves as sheriff of Monroe County. The National Memorial for Peace and Justice remembers more than 4,400 victims of lynchings committed between 1877 and 1950 in states across the country, but most in the South. They hoped to point their progeny toward something better. Terrified, she dragged me to the back. In few places was that more evident than the inordinate number of African-Americans lynched in Alabama’s Monroe County.He and my mother also taught their children to negotiate the landscape of Jim Crow, a welter of oppressive codes and customs designed to legitimize white supremacy. When I saw Mrs. Williams the next day, she repeated the story but added, “I don’t like to think about all of that, Cynthia. She didn’t dare take me on another bus ride for fear my obstinance would bring trouble.While my parents did what they could to protect their children from the self-loathing and fear that Jim Crow intended to inculcate in us — we did not go to restaurants, for example, since they insisted on handing black patrons plates out the back door — we were made to understand the necessity of following the rules. In his award-winning 2014 memoir, “Monroeville, Alabama, celebrated its native daughter Lee shamelessly after her award-winning book became a national bestseller in the 1960s. The legacy of the gross injustice perpetrated against McMillian, like the lynchings of the distant past, lives on, unacknowledged by the broader community.The period that followed Reconstruction was also ugly and violent — and less understood than the Civil War. Editor's Picks The (newspaper) included them in the list of victims. It’s painful.”In a press conference in April, just before the memorial and museum opened, Stevenson talked about his faith in the redemption they might inspire.“I am persuaded that we are not free yet in America, that we are burdened by this history.It is a kind of smog that’s in the air, and we all breathe it in, and if we are going to get to freedom, we have to talk about things that we haven’t talked about.“We have to talk about the genocide of native people, which we haven’t really done. While the story needs to be told and understood, I question the agenda of glorifying murderers and rapists to tell a story. When we arrived at our destination, she called my father and told him he would have to come to drive us home. Relatives left behind learned never to speak of those horrible episodes.Official documents gave scant notice to the injustices that were woven into the fabric of civic life, often with the implicit or explicit support of local law enforcement officials. EJI staffers documented 361 racial terror lynchings in Alabama alone, a number that, though awful, pales next to Louisiana (549), Georgia (592), and Mississippi (654).To commit a victim’s name to one of the more than 800 steel blocks that hang in the memorial, researchers needed at least two archival records to corroborate the act of racial terror.
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